Mwakurikira Ikiganiro Umuyobozi mukuru w Ishyaka Green Party, Hon.Dr.Frank Habineza, yagiranye na TV 10 ku wa 8 Mutarama 2022, kubijyanye n’ikibazo cya Gaz mu Rwanda. Bagikoranye na Bwana Musangabatware Clement wari ikiyoboye, kandi barikumwe na na Bwana Ndagijimana Emmanuel umuyobozi wa Kigali Gas Ltd. Minisitiri w’ibidukikije Dr.Mujawamariya Jeanne D Arc yatanze ubutumwa bwe akoresheje uburyo bw’ikoranabuhanga. #Rwanda Link kuri Youtube: IKIGUZI CYA GAZ ISANGANO LIVE YouTube
It’s my party and I’ll cry if I want to. This sentiment, outlined in Lesley Gore’s 1963 hit, has seemingly been the manifesto of politicians throughout history who view institutions as merely instruments for their own personal gain. But political parties are more than an extension of their leader’s popularity. They are vibrant organizations of thousands, sometimes millions, of people united behind a common vision, armed with the unique ability to radically transform their society. What is the rise of Julius Caesar in the Roman Republic without the electoral triumph of his Populares over the Optimates? World War II without the NSDAP in Germany and the Social Party in Italy? The invasion of Iraq without two parties willing to be complicit in constructing a new imperialism? Political parties are defining the modern era, both as reflections and directors of public sentiment. In the past few decades, electoral societies have been remade by a number of global trends in the nature of political parties: big-tent centralist parties are changing electoral rules to cement their authority, minority interest and regionalist parties are rising in national legislatures, self-described socialist parties are moving to the center, and far-right nationalists are finding a wide base for their authoritarian policies. The purpose of this column is to highlight and break down these trends, and hopefully gain insight into the future of electoral democracy. The International Rise of the Greens In recent months, one trend more than almost any other has taken the international spotlight, largely thanks to the 2021 German federal elections. For a number of weeks in early 2021, the Greens in Germany polled higher than every other party in Germany. Its 40-year-old leader, Annalena Baerbock, seemed set to become Germany’s next Chancellor. Though the Greens ultimately finished third in the election, they won 118 seats in the 736-seat Bundestag, and are set to join the new government coalition. Germany, however, is just one recent example of the electoral successes that this international movement has enjoyed upon decades of cultivation by environmentalists. The world is beginning to see that green parties are more than just single-issue countercultural factions. Their deliberate grassroots organizing, steadfast commitment to democratic processes, and emphasis on self-determination for all people have allowed the movement to prosper in a diverse array of societies and electoral systems. The green movement’s success is built to last, and as a united ideological force, they are set to reshape international political discourse for decades to come. Internationally, green parties are a relatively new phenomenon. Green parties were founded in New Zealand in 1972 and the United States in 1984, with more recent additions only coming in countries like Rwanda in 2009 and South Korea in 2012. Their international coordination is also relatively young; the Global Greens, an international alliance of national green parties, was founded in 2001, with continental divisions dating back only to 2004 in Europe, 2005 in the Asia-Pacific, and 2010 in Africa. The relative youth of the movement may be, in some cases, a disadvantage. In Germany, the Greens were only the sixth largest party until the country’s recent elections. Most green parties have yet to join a government coalition, if they’ve joined a national legislature at all. These green parties, however, arose as grassroots movements. Where they are flourishing, they are flourishing because of the sheer force of their organizing and campaigning. Green mobilizing often begins locally, with subnational bodies seeing more prominent green representation in both proportional electoral systems, like Germany, and first-past-the-post systems, like the United States and UK. Even as these parties act locally, however, they think globally, and are united by common views. And to the greens, sustainability doesn’t mean just fighting for the climate. It means fighting for the future. In this sense, the 2001 charter of the Global Greens serves less as a manifesto, and more as a reflection of the views of its members, which guide the way to a more equitable world. The Environmentalist Platform Green parties around the world have provided a necessary democratic counterweight to the rising forces of authoritarianism. The green parties of the United States and Canada call for electoral reform in their first-past-the-post systems, which have blocked them from power. This call for democratic reform is universal among the greens, whether in Australia, where political discussion is largely open, or Rwanda, where advocating for democracy led to the suspected assassination of Democratic Green Party Vice President André Kagwa Rwisereka in 2010. Though Rwandan activists face a much greater physical threat than Australian ones, their commitment remains just as steadfast, a testament to the universal impact of their values. Another key flank of the green parties’ platform is equitable representation. Their commitment to gender parity is realized in green co-leadership in the United Kingdom, New Zealand, and Germany, among others. The greens are also fostering the growth of a vocal youth faction: Frank Habineza was 32 when he founded the Democratic Green Party, and Chlöe Swarbrick was 23 when she was elected to the New Zealand House of Representatives. The greens’ advocacy extends beyond their own parties as well, into solidarity networks with minority activist and regionalist groups in favor of self-determination. The New Zealand Greens support greater Māori self-determination, the Scotland Greens have placed themselves firmly in the pro-independence camp, and internationally, the Green Party has been the largest party in the United States to unapologetically condemn the Israeli occupation of Palestine. Green parties from the Netherlands to Kenya advocate for disarmament and pacifism around the world. This international perspective is aided by the unique decentralization of the green movement. While some political internationals, most notably the International Democratic Union, have been ideologically (and literally) dominated by white Anglophone leaders, the lack of a major British or American green party has enabled the development of a true cosmopolitan alliance. This is not to say that the Global Greens is an exhaustive or entirely unified group. The international alliance includes the pro-death penalty PVEM in Mexico, but notably not the Farmers and Greens Union, which served as the senior coalition partner in the 2016-2020 Lithuanian government. That being said, the brand of green politics exemplified in the Global Greens’ 2001 charter, ranging from climate issues to social justice, labor solidarity, and electoral reform, is distinct in its ubiquity among the green parties of the world. The Future of Environmentalism Annalena Baerbock was only the beginning. As polarization deepens, especially in North America and Western Europe, third parties are growing in prominence, and in many countries, the most legitimate left-of-center third party is a green party. Thus, as green parties enter the spotlight, they become set to play kingmaker with their coalition partners, as in Germany, where the Greens now hold legitimate bargaining power in their coalition talks with Olaf Scholz’s SDP. Similarly, in Scotland, when the Scottish National Party fell one seat shy of a majority in early 2021, the Greens joined them to create a pro-independence majority. Before that, the Green Party in Ireland played kingmaker in the other direction, lending their support to a center-right three-party coalition with Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael in 2020. A large part of the green parties’ efficacy as coalition partners comes from their interest in joining a government coalition; in exchange for key climate protection provisions, green parties have proven themselves capable and willing coalition partners to parties from the far-left to the center-right. And green parties don’t need to be the senior partner in a government coalition in order to fundamentally shift the government’s priorities. In Ireland, the Green Party enabled the creation of a government with twelve seats. In Scotland, they did it with eight. These patterns would seem to imply that green party successes in the near future in kingmaking positions can be most expected in “2+” systems, where two major parties jut up against several minor parties represented in the legislature. This makes countries like Australia especially primed for a rise in green representation. There, the opposition Labor Party currently leads the Liberal-National coalition in the polls, but an insurgent Green Party, currently polling at over 10%, could place themselves in a position to demand significant climate concessions in order to form a government after the country’s next elections in 2022. Green parties around the world exist in a relatively small capacity, but the greens did not exist as a political movement even five decades ago. The rapid rise of a unified international (and internationalist) political force is currently remaking and will continue to remake the global order. And even this small capacity has proven vital, from the kingmaker agreements of Scotland and Germany to Rwanda, where in 2018 the Democratic Green Party became the first opposition party ever to win legislative seats under President Paul Kagame. The greens have big plans, but they realize that the evolving and expanding dangers posed by climate change mean that they will not have generations to accomplish them. To the greens, time is of the essence, and through their international alliance, time just may be on their side. Source: It’s Not Easy Being Green: The Environmentalist Parties Harvard Political Review (harvardpolitics.com)
Rwanda TV s The Square Show: A Review of 2021 | Regional Cooperation, Governance and Expectations in 2022. The Democratic Green Party leader , Dr.Frank Habineza, was a panelist and highlighted several issues of national importance.You can watch it from here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dq8UqnQZQYg
Mukiganiro Depite Dr.Frank Habineza umuyobozi mukuru w’Ishyaka Green Party yagiranye n’umunyamakuru wa Radio 10 ku itariki ya 4 Mutarama 2022, yasabye ko RURA (Rwanda Regulatory Authority) yashiramo imbaraga kugirango amabwiraza yayo ajyanye no kuvugurura ibikiro bya GAZ yubahiriwe, kuberako hirya no hino mugihigu bitari kwubahirirwa. Mwakurikira ikiganiro kirambuye kuri Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PxhS4oPYx4A
The present year has come to an end making space for the new year. Like the previous year, 2021 was also characterized by the COVID-19 Pandemic and the country had two lockdowns, this year has also left many families mourning the loss of their loved ones. We would like to take on this moment to foremost comfort and condole all those who lost their loved ones. We would like to also express our sincere gratitude to all front-line workers who sacrificed themselves to contain this pandemic in Rwanda. A big thank you thank to all the: Nurses, Doctors, Social workers, Youth Volunteers, others in the medical professional and our National Police in collaboration with all security organs who worked tirelessly to ensure our security and survival from this pandemic and all other security threats. We also sympathize with all those that lost their jobs and livelihoods due to this pandemic, lets hope for the best in 2022. Despite 2021 being a challenging year, The Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, was able to conduct several activities countrywide and also had three national gatherings bringing together members of the National Executive Committee who deliberated on some issues of national importance. DGPR celebrated the Earth Day on 23rd April 2021 and presented an Inception report on the pollution status of the Nile Basin area in Rwanda. Party Leaders also visited river Nyabugogo and highlighted some challenging pollution and garbage dumping issues, which the City of Kigali took care of afterwards. Details here: Earth Day Celebration Rwanda: Urgent Action on Water Pollution and Waste Dumping is needed. | Rwanda (rwandagreendemocrats.org) DGPR leaders also on 22nd May 2021 held a dialogue meeting on Electoral Reforms in Rwanda where several issues were highlighted and call for some major changes were initiated, these included the expansion of parliamentary representation since the number of voters has more than doubled since 2003, when the threshold was initiated in the law. Details here: DGPR Declaration: Electoral Reforms Required for a Sustainable Peaceful Democratic Society in Rwanda | Rwanda (rwandagreendemocrats.org) The Democratic Green Party of Rwanda launched research findings on Water Pollution study on the Nile Basin area in Rwanda-Case study, River Nyabarongo on 16th October 2021. Details here: Democratic Green Party Launched Research Findings on Water Pollution for the Nile Basin Area in Rwanda | Rwanda (rwandagreendemocrats.org) All these events were well covered by the Public broadcaster: TV Rwanda and Radio Rwanda, as well as many private media organisations: Radio stations, TVs, Online Newspapers, YouTube channels and the Social media. We are very grateful to the media fraternity in Rwanda for always honouring our invitation. We are also grateful to the National Consultative Forum of Political Organisations in Rwanda which facilitated women and youth trainings of our members in all the four provinces and the City of Kigali during October 2021. DGPR also had the honour to host a delegation from the Swedish Green Party during November 2021, whom visited all our provincial branches and the City of Kigali and helped in training members on gender equality and gender balance. We are very grateful. These visitors also met with the Executive Secretariat of the Consultative Forum of Political Organisations in Rwanda. The Parliamentarians representing the party in both the Parliament-Chamber of Deputies and the Senate continued to advocate for reforms on different policies, programs, legislation and other key issues benefiting the population. A lot has been published in the media. Looking ahead to 2022, we shall continue: advocating for reforms or changes of government programs and policies in favor of citizens better welfare and environmental sustainability, strengthening party structures in the country, capacity building of party members, collaboration with different stakeholders and sectors and implementation of various party strategies. We will also start preparations for the upcoming elections. On behalf of Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, we would like to thank you all for supporting us and promoting democracy and well-being of Rwandans. Please accept our best wishes to you and your families for a wonderful holiday season and a healthy, prosperous and blessed New Year 2022. Dr.Frank HABINEZA [MP] President, Democratic Green Party of Rwanda
Minisitiri w’Intebe, Dr Edouard Ngirente yijeje ko igiciro cya Gaz yo gutekesha ubu kigeze ku mafaranga y’u Rwanda ibihumbi 17 ku icupa ry’ibiro 12, kizagabanywa nyuma y’inyigo izarangira tariki ya 13 Ukuboza 2021 Ministiri w’Intebe yabitangarije Inteko Ishinga Amategeko y’u Rwanda ku wa 03 Ukuboza 2021, ubwo Depite Dr Frank Habineza yari amugejejeho ikibazo cy’uko Gaz irimo kugenda izamuka mu biciro ku mpamvu atarasobanukirwa. Abakoresha Gaz n’abayicuruza barimo Umuyobozi w’Ikigo kiyikwirakwiza mu Rwanda cyitwa Kigali Gas Ltd, Ndagijimana Emmanuel bavuga ko ibiciro byayo biramutse bitagabanyijwe, ngo hari benshi basubira ku nkwi n’amakara. Ndagijimana yagize ati “Ubu ikilo kimwe cya Gaz kigurwa amafaranga hagati ya 1400-1500, kandi mu minsi ishize cyari kuri 700Frw-800Frw, urumva byikubye kabiri mu mezi nk’atatu ashize, birabangamye cyane ku buryo hari abenda gusubira ku makara no ku nkwi, kandi Gaz ni yo yari ihendutse kubirusha”. Ndagijimana avuga ko icupa rya Gaz ry’ibiro 12 ryagurwaga amafaranga hagati ya 9,300Frw-10,000Frw mu mezi nk’atatu ashize, ubu ryazamuriwe igiciro rikaba rigurwa amafaranga ibihumbi 17. Impamvu abacuruzi ba Gaz bari babwiwe ngo ni uko u Burusiya (bucukurwamo Gaz) bwazamuye igiciro cy’iyo bwohereza hirya no hino ku isi, ndetse n’inzira inyuramo kugira ngo igere mu Gihugu zikaba zigoranye. Minisitiri w’Intebe, Dr Edouard Ngirente na we yemera ko Gaz irimo kugurishwa ku giciro gihanitse muri iyi minsi, akaba yizeza abayikoresha ko inyigo yo kureba ibisabwa kugira ngo icyo giciro kigabanywe irimo kurangira gukorwa. Dr Ngirente yasobanuriye Abadepite ko habanje gusuzumwa imikorere y’uruhererekane runyuzwamo Gaz kuva ivuye hanze kugera ku bayikeneye, uburyo Gaz igomba kugenzurwa ndetse n’inyungu buri wese yabona itabangamiye umuguzi wa nyuma uyikeneye. Dr Ngirente ati “Ndagira ngo mbabwire ko icyo kibazo turimo kugikemura, turimo kubitunganya ku buryo imibare yose izaba yagiye hamwe ndetse n’umurongo watanzwe, ibisubizo bizaboneka bitarenze iminsi 10, ni yo twihaye kuva uyu munsi (kuva ku itariki 03 Ukuboza 2021)”. Leta y’u Rwanda yihaye gahunda yo kugabanya 38% by’imyuka yoherezwa mu kirere bitarenze umwaka wa 2030. Bizagerwaho mu kwirinda itemwa ry’amashyamba avamo inkwi n’amakara, abantu bakaba bagomba gushakirwa ibindi bicanwa bituma bahumeka umwuka mwiza. Muri ibyo bicanwa bitarekura imyotsi harimo Biogaz n’amashanyarazi akomoka ku bintu binyuranye, ariko cyane cyane Gaz kuko ari yo ihenduka kandi iboneka ku buryo bworoshye. Source: Guverinoma irimo kwiga ibiciro bya Gaz biboneye Kigali Today
With the backdrop of deepening vaccine inequality, climate disasters, and continued efforts to delay real action, COP26 got underway this weekend. This much anticipated United Nations conference has drawn attention not least for its significance in the struggle against climate change but also for mismanagement by the UK, the host of COP26. One issue that civil society has mobilised around is representation and access to the conference. Networks like the Global Greens put in motion initiatives that would give leading voices from the frontlines a chance to go to Glasgow. However, the crossroads of issues would ensure that their journey to COP was anything but smooth. While some delegates waited in frustration for promised vaccines, funding and travel documents, others were facing climate disasters in their homelands. To shine a light on the climate crisis’s stark effects in different parts of the world, the Green European Journal spoke with Global Greens COP delegates from Canada, Egypt, and Rwanda. These are leaders of green movements in their countries who are determined to carry on pushing their governments to do more beyond the political moment that is COP26. We asked how their countries are experiencing climate change, key areas for action, and their message to the green movement in Europe. The view from Rwanda – Frank Habineza Rwanda is situated in East and Central African region. It has a moderate climate with relatively high rainfall, spanning two major agricultural seasons. Communities experience climate change mainly through prolonged dry seasons and droughts. The Eastern province is most prone to droughts and desertification which affects agriculture and animal husbandry. This has already led to famine, internal migrations through population displacement, conflicts over land and water between pastoralists and farmers, and a loss of biodiversity in areas that fail to recover vegetation. Rwanda also experiences increased temperatures during dry seasons and greater-intensity rainfall during rainy seasons which have caused severe flooding that has destroyed homes, bridges, crops, and lives. It also leads to soil erosion and landslides which paralyse the transportation of people and goods. Climate change effects have also lowered the water levels in lakes, waterways, and rivers, insufficient water supply especially in cities, forest degradation, serious health problems, and the emergence of new diseases. The most important issues for the Rwandan Green movement at COP26 are climate mitigation and adaptation. We would like Rwanda to fully implement its national adaptation programme which had identified six actions that could bring improvements to livelihoods in Rwanda. These include integrated water resources management, early warning systems and rapid interventions, promotion of income-generating activities, promotion of intensive agriculture and animal husbandry, introduction of crop varieties resistant to environmental conditions, and the development of energy sources alternative to firewood. On top of that, we would like to have sustainable land use management with modern methods of farming and irrigation techniques and empowerment of small-scale farming. Farmers and pastoralists need alternative water supply sources so that they can stop being dependent on rainfall. We would also like to see an increase in climate financing from international bodies extending to both government and other non-governmental actors. We would like to have improved waste management plans in all major cities, including in the capital Kigali where there is still no waste management plant. Rwanda also needs to invest in waste-to-energy projects as sprawling dumping sites continue to endanger people, water, biodiversity, and the climate in cities like Kigali. We are very grateful to the Green movement in Europe for all the support rendered to the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, especially in its struggle to get official recognition as a party. We request that it continues to stand with us in our plight for the full democratisation of Rwanda. Without the chance of enjoying all the universal freedoms as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it would be impossible to even stand up for environmental protection. Together we win. The view from Canada – Dianne Saxe In Canada, climate impacts are being felt everywhere, though most keenly by coastal and far northern communities and by the most vulnerable. As in other countries, the impacts of climate change are not felt equally. Indigenous communities especially are experiencing the brunt of climate chaos. This summer, Canada saw record heat that damaged forests and crops, cooking fruit on trees and a billion marine animals on beaches. Wildfires burnt down forests and displaced First Nations communities, and their toxic smoke caused physical and mental health impacts right across the country. Heat deaths soared. In the winter, snow cover and critical ice roads are becoming less reliable. Meanwhile, in Ontario, Canada, where I call home, climate-blind government policy is driving up pollution and congestion by turbocharging urban sprawl, destroying wetlands and forests, and trapping families in a high-carbon lifestyle. It is even making our electricity dirtier. Canada should be a climate leader but isn’t. In fact, Canada is one of the highest climate-polluting countries in the world, as well as a major exporter of fossil fuels. Canada can be influenced to do better. Canada is heavily involved in global trade thus depends on access to international capital and market. It can suffer major economic damage by getting out of step with its customers. It is also strongly influenced by international opinion. Ontario Greens will watch COP26 closely for progress on global financial and commodity markets that redirects finance and customers away from fossil fuels and into the clean economy. Border carbon adjustments and green public procurement would allow our governments to pressure domestic producers to make lower-carbon materials and products. Strict international standards on what counts as “green” (such as the EU Taxonomy for green bonds) would set useful benchmarks for Canada to follow. But the most important single step is for governments and companies around the world to commit to a cumulative carbon budget consistent with the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. A target of net-zero by 2050 is not enough if it does not limit total carbon emissions between now and then. EU leadership on climate action would set the pace for the rest of the world. The European Union needs to come together and show the world how rapidly scaling up the green transition creates jobs, invigorates the economy, cleans the air, restores biodiversity, reduces reliance on foreign powers, and reduces inequality at home. Successful European examples will ease fears about the transition and inspire competition in other parts of the globe. The view from Egypt – Mohamed Awad Egypt is in a geographical area that is mostly desert aside from the Nile Valley. It has a Mediterranean climate in the North and a dry climate in the South where rain scarcity has always been an issue. Historically, its two seasons have been predictable and stable. However, this climate has been subjected to distortion for several years. The dramatic effects of climate change are happening fast in sharp contrast to the 10-to-20-year outlook predicted by scientific research. Water torrents caused by changes in rain patterns, and extreme heatwaves are common and are taking Egyptians and our infrastructure by surprise. Agriculture, one of the most important pillars of the Egyptian economy, is also being impacted by climate change – whether in terms of crop diversity, quality, or production. This has prompted the Egyptian government to adopt a new adaptation and mitigation strategy including rehabilitating waterways, infrastructure and crops to resist climate change, modernising agricultural technology, and reclaiming new agricultural lands. From my perspective, three main challenges lie ahead for Egypt: water scarcity, desertification, and population increase. No one can be certain about the impact of climate change on the quantities of water from the Nile River. There is speculation over whether it will increase and decrease. At the same time, population growth and rising demand for food will put additional pressure on water, land, agriculture, and the cost of adaptation measures. Raising awareness about climate change and the issue of water requires a space of political freedoms to demand the government adjust development priorities, which does not exist in the current political context in Egypt. There is a lot of news that raises confusion regarding government efforts to combat climate change, including the Egyptian government’s announcement that it has signed contracts to export electricity to some European countries – through Cyprus and Greece – as well as Saudi Arabia and other countries. 95 per cent of electricity in Egypt is produced by power plants that run on gas, coal, and diesel. Does this not mean an increase in the percentage of carbon emissions in Egypt? Maybe this move will reopen the idea of carbon capture which would allow emissions until an identified limit has been reached. But we are facing immediate danger and emissions must stop immediately. This idea of carbon capture must go. The participation of the Egyptian Greens in the COP26 is one of the positive developments since the party was established in the early 1990s. Our main task will be to support the call for a reduction in fossil fuel use, push for compensation of the Global South for their losses and to build a green economy, and stop the industry lobby. As the issue of food security preoccupies leaders at the COP26, it is surprising that water security has not been introduced to the discussion despite being the basis of food security and at the root of conflicts and volatile security contexts around the world. This gap is why the Egyptian Greens have taken up water as a climate rather than a resource issue. My concern is that COP26 might turn into a mere auction hall for the Global South to display the damages and losses to obtain financial support, without there being real control and monitoring of how these funds will be spent. The Global South has received enormous financial support under the pretext of combating environmental degradation, yet environmental degradation is increasing nonetheless. The success of Green parties like the German Greens generates pressure on the Egyptian Greens to perform better. The contexts are very different but we have common challenges and they have been instrumental to our past national struggles by organising in solidarity. We would like to see this model of support continue and strengthen. Source: Global Views on COP26: Why It Matters for Canada, Egypt and Rwanda (greeneuropeanjournal.eu)
Poor handling of garbage, coupled with toxic effluents from industrial, mining and garage activities continue to foment trouble that could ruin lives and marine wildlife in Rwanda’s river if unchecked, a new study revealed. An assessment report on pollution of the Nile Basin and associated water ecosystem basins in Rwanda singles out household waste as polluting water bodies the most, followed industrial establishments and car garages. While the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda which commissioned the research says that no assessment was done in the clinics or hospitals to determine the extent to which people are being affected, it estimated the loss of fisheries in the river at 15.6 per cent. There have been at least three separate mass fish death incidents across Rwanda’s water bodies including in the Mukungwa River in Musanze and its associated water pools used for fish production, Lake Kivu, and Lake Muhazi early this year. The Government cited the decline in oxygen in two of the incidents, and industrial pollution in the other. However, Dr. Jean Damascene Gashumba, lead researcher said all indications pointed to increased levels of pollutants namely chemicals, heavy metals and others potentially endangering soil, surface and groundwater. These, alongside climate change and absence of cleanup crews, instigated the loss of marine wildlife. “Floods particularly cause chemical and toxic runoff water from open air dumping sites to spread across interconnected water bodies. Without cleaning, different chemicals converge with adverse effect,” he said. Also, elevated levels of pollution linked to effluent and waste water from domestic outlets, municipal sewers, canning industries, food processing units affect microorganisms within water bodies. Researchers term the contaminants trouble for marine wildlife such as fish and obstruct normal activities in Nyabarongo and Akanyaru, which together with their many tributaries, form the River Akagera that feeds Lake Victoria. Rwanda Environment Management Authority has not responded to our queries regarding the study findings. However, players in the waste sector say rapid urbanisation has seen waste volumes increase at a pace that is unmatched by efforts and investments in waste management systems that are now overwhelmed. Source: Mass fish deaths expose wanton pollution of the water bodies Rwanda Today
